THE VICE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much. Mayor Han, I appreciate the kind words of introduction. And we''re delighted to be here today. My wife and I are privileged to have the opportunity once again to travel in China. We are grateful for the welcome we have received, especially for the kind of reception here at Fudan University. We thank you for the honor, and we bring you good wishes from President George W. Bush and the people of the United States.
I know that many of you will soon graduate from this great university. I am told the standards are extremely demanding here, and a degree from Fudan University signifies years of hard work and discipline. I congratulate each one of you on your achievement, and I commend your teachers for upholding the tradition of excellence that marks the 99-year history of Fudan University.
I hardly need to tell you that you are beginning careers in a nation remarkably different from just a generation ago. My first glimpse of China came in 1975, when I traveled to Beijing with President Gerald Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. That was only three years after President Richard Nixon had paid his historic visit to your country. Mao Zedong still held power. The aftershocks of the Cultural Revolution were still being felt. There were some hopes of reform, but people largely kept those hopes to themselves.
Those were the latter years of a difficult era for the people of China. When America and China set out to restore diplomatic relations, it was in part because we perceived a common challenge in the Soviet Union. Yet America抯 leaders understood something else, as well. They knew that in China, beneath the harsh conformity of that era, lay the diversity and the boundless energy of a great people. In the decades since, as more freedom and opportunity have come to this land, you have only begun to show the world the creativity and enterprise of your country.
Each of you is a witness to that potential, in what you have learned and achieved here, and in your own hopes for the future. Twenty years ago, almost to the day, President Ronald Reagan spoke at this university and expressed the essence of economic and political freedom. It is based, he said, on a belief 搃n the dignity of each man, woman, and child.? Free institutions, he said, reflect, 揳n appreciation of the special genius of each individual, and of his special right to make his own decisions and lead his own life.?/p>
Compared to President Nixon抯, or even President Reagan抯 day, many Chinese citizens are now freer to make their own way in life -- to choose careers, to acquire property, and to travel. And across this land are many millions of young people just like you, with their own abilities and their own expectations of a better life for themselves, their families and their country.
On the path of reform that began a quarter-century ago, the Chinese people have made great strides. Over the past twenty-five years, China抯 rapid and sustained economic growth has lifted the living standards of many citizens and raised China into the ranks of the world抯 largest economies. You have reduced poverty, and in recent years, have consistently reported high economic growth rates. This dramatic economic progress shows what is possible when governments leave more decision-making power in the hands of private enterprises and individuals. Above all, it is a tribute to the Chinese citizens whose talents and daily efforts are making this a vibrant modern economy.
China抯 economic success has also come about through far greater integration into the world economy. In the last two decades, your country has emerged as a major exporter of all kinds of manufactured goods, from heavy machinery, to computers, to toys. China has gained enormously from access to foreign markets. Its development has also been fed by vast inflows of investment capital -- over 50 billion dollars last year alone -- and by imports of foreign technology, and the ever-increasing quantities of energy and raw materials necessary to sustain growth.
Today over five percent of all trade conducted in the world -- some 850 billion dollars -- is accounted for by China alone. And China抯 two-way trade with the United States has grown seven-fold in just the last 12 years.
Continued economic progress will require careful stewardship. As your new generation of leaders knows, rapid growth can lead to social and economic challenges at home. And as China gains in economic strength, it also takes on new responsibilities for keeping the global economy in balance. As your leaders and I discussed, in this interdependent world, nations have a responsibility to lower barriers to imports, to protect intellectual property rights, and to maintain flexible, market-driven exchange rates. We are working together on these vital issues.
China抯 progress is part of a much wider story. So many of the great nations of Asia began the 20th Century ruled by colonial powers, or by dynasty, or bitterly divided by civil strife. And throughout that century, ideologies of violence and malice took hold in Asia, as they did in Europe, and caused terrible harm and grief. Now the people of Asia are writing a different chapter. Great nations in this region have entered the 21st century as independent peoples, growing in prosperity and individual freedom. The dramatic changes in Asia -- from Beijing to Tokyo, from Seoul to Singapore -- have removed many old sources of conflict, and lifted millions of lives.
In the past half century, Asia has been transformed from a war-torn and impoverished region into the world抯 biggest and fastest-growing center for the creation of wealth and knowledge. Throughout this region, one nation after another has enjoyed the benefits of greater prosperity. But not prosperity alone. Across Asia, rising prosperity and expanding political freedom have gone hand in hand. When people have the liberty to manage their own lives and to enjoy the fruits of their labors, they work hard and contribute more to the well-being of their societies. And when they experience the benefits of economic liberty, they desire greater freedom in expressing their views and choosing their leaders.
Freedom is not divisible. If people can be trusted to invest and manage material assets, they will eventually ask why they cannot be trusted with decisions over what to say and what to believe. The insights that foster scientific discovery are not suddenly lost when the topic turns to society抯 ills. Prosperous societies also come to understand that clothing, cars, and cell phones do not enrich the soul. Economic growth is important in allowing individuals to lead lives of comfort and dignity, but material goods alone cannot satisfy the deepest yearnings of the human heart; that can only come with full freedom of religion, speech, assembly, and conscience. And that lesson, too, is part of Asia抯 legacy in this last 50 years.
The desire for freedom is universal; it is not unique to one country, or culture, or region. And it is something that successful societies, and wise leaders, have learned to embrace rather than fear.
The United States of America welcomes the great progress of your country, as we welcome the continued expansion of economic and political freedom across Asia. As a Pacific nation, we benefit, as you do, from trade across the ocean and from the growing vitality of this region. And as a permanent presence here, America, like China, has a vital national interest in stability, and in peaceful relations among Asian peoples.
Yet today we know that the peace and stability that all civilized nations seek are under threat, as new and grave dangers continue to gather. In nations around the globe, terror networks have plotted against civilized people, and have grown bolder in their destructive ambitions. And in this age of rapid technological advance, we face the prospect that deadly weapons might fall into the hands of terrorists. The ultimate threat is that these problems -- terrorism and proliferation -- may one day come together in a sudden, catastrophic attack by terrorists armed with chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons.
The spread of terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are a direct challenge to every nation that seeks to build a more open, stable, and prosperous world. For that reason, our countries have been working closely to overcome both of these threats. Since my country was attacked on September 11th, 2001, the United States and China have worked together to apprehend terrorists and to prevent them from killing more innocent people. The recent kidnapping in Iraq of citizens of several countries, including China, speaks to the dangers we all face. Today we are sharing information and working together to strengthen the U.N.抯 counterterror capability and on a vital container security initiative to protect ships and ports. As we deepen our cooperation, however, we must also be mindful of the rights of the innocent. The war on terror must never be used as an excuse for silencing legitimate dissent and expressions of opinion.
China is also accepting its responsibilities to join in stopping the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The peoples of Asia are particularly vulnerable to the dangers of proliferation. Many countries that have the means to develop the deadliest weapons have refrained from doing so. Yet if governments perceive unchecked proliferation in the region, they might feel compelled to choose a very different course. And that could only heighten the dangers to this region and the likelihood that one day those terrible weapons would be used.
The dangers of proliferation have not always been fully appreciated. In the past, the technologies that permit the development of sophisticated weapons and delivery systems were sometimes exported without much thought to the long-term consequences. The United States was therefore very pleased to see China declare new restrictions on the movement of those technologies. It is now essential that those restrictions be vigorously enforced.
President Bush and the American people are also greatly encouraged by the Chinese government抯 decision to take a leading role in the efforts of the international community to persuade North Korea to completely, verifiably, and irreversibly dismantle its nuclear programs. We must see this undertaking through to its conclusion. Because of the Pyongyang''s regime past history of irresponsibility and deceit, the removal of all of its nuclear capabilities is absolutely essential to the peace and stability of Northeast Asia, and the world.
Controlling the spread of terrible weapons is one of the most urgent priorities of our new century. We have no alternative but to act with all the diligence, and more, of the rogue states and terrorists who wish to acquire such weapons for the threat they pose to innocent people. That is the course we are on -- and the course we must maintain far into the future.
Confronting and finally defeating the danger of terrorism will also be a long and difficult struggle. That''s why my country, in consultations with other nations, is committed to pursuing what President Bush has called a forward strategy for freedom in the Greater Middle East. Some nations in the Middle East have had great wealth, or possess the resources that can bring such wealth. But national wealth alone is not enough. To fully and finally overcome the evil of terrorism, we must set before people of this region an alternative to tyranny and corrupt government that has for so long held all too many back. And that alternative is found in economic freedom, equality under the law, individual liberties, and the right to choose and change one抯 government.
The Greater Middle East initiative supports those across the region who are working for freedom. And we are beginning to see signs of significant progress. In Jordan, elections have been held and the government is taking steps to reduce state control of the press. In Bahrain, elections were held last year. In Egypt, the ruling National Democratic Party has called for increased economic reform and expanded political participation. In Saudi Arabia, the Crown Prince has issued a reform charter and called for the holding of municipal elections. Today, with the help of the international community, and after decades of oppression, the people of Afghanistan and Iraq are preparing to choose their own leaders in free, competitive national elections.
We welcome China抯 contributions to reconstruction efforts in these lands, so that their people may live in security and freedom, never again victimized by despotic regimes that breed or support terror.
While democratic processes are sometimes untidy and unpredictable -- as any close observer of American politics can attest -- they permit the peaceful expression of diverse views, protect the rights of the individual, check the ability of the state to abuse its power, and encourage the kind of debate and compromise that leads to lasting stability. And this much is certain: free societies do not breed the anger and radicalism that drag down whole nations.
Where young people have the opportunity to choose their own leaders, to build a better life for themselves and their children, and the right to guide their own destinies; peace, justice and prosperity will follow. Freedom has a power all its own, requiring no propaganda to find recruits, no indoctrination to keep its believers in line.
We hear it said by skeptics that the greater Middle East is a hopeless cause for democratic values -- that the peoples of that region are somehow just not suited for self-government, and that they are doomed to live in misery and oppression. Those of you who have studied history will find that this dismissive attitude has a familiar ring. Not so long ago, the very same things were said about the people of Asia. Yet today the world looks to Asia as a showcase of the possibilities of human enterprise and creativity. Across this region we see entire nations raising themselves up from poverty in the space of little more than a generation, building strong, modern economies, and becoming stable, peaceful, and open societies of free peoples, governed under laws set by representatives chosen in free elections.
Today China too is embarked on a great journey. As your country grows in regional and global influence and responsibility, your strength and your potential rests with your people.
My wish for each of you is for a life in a nation that grows in success, in greatness, and in liberty. I thank you for your kind attention this morning, and now I''d be pleased to take your questions. (Applause.)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
MODERATOR: Thank you, Mr. Vice President. Mr. Vice President, the first question will come from the left side of the auditorium, then we''ll alternate right to left.
Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President.
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Good morning.
Q: I am a PhD candidate of international relations. My friends and I believe that China''s peaceful right is beneficial to the peace and prosperity of the world. Some American people, however, regard China as a threat. Could you please give you comments on these -- opinions? What impressed you most during your visit in China? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: The people of the United States have been tremendously impressed with all that has been achieved in China in recent decades. There clearly was a time in our history 50 years when we were adversaries, when we fought against each other in the war in Korea, when I think we viewed one another as a significant threat. I think that''s changed.
And today given the common interest we have in trying to promote peace and prosperity in this part of the world, we work together on a great many issues that are to the benefit of the peoples of both nations. There''s no question but what we still have differences, places where we disagree over various issues. But my conversations yesterday with your leaders in Beijing, I think it would be fair to say we agreed that the areas of agreement are far greater than those areas where we disagree, and that there are no problems there that can''t be resolved given sufficient efforts and goodwill and adequate time on both sides. Working together, especially in the economic arena, has been beneficial to the peoples of both countries. And with the right kind of leadership there''s no reason why we should perceive each as threats in the future. (Applause.)
Q: Morning, Mr. Vice President. I''m a major of international politics, honored to have such a chance to raise my question to you. We Chinese are concerned about reunification of our country, but sorry to see some performances of the United States over the years, such as arms sales to Taiwan. So my question is, what actions will the United States take to honor the commitment of one-China policy and no support of Taiwan independence? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: The policy of the United States on the issue of Taiwan has been consistent for some considerable period of time now, and has been stated by President Bush. We support the principle of one China based upon the three communiques, and the Taiwan Relations Act. We think that it''s important for discussions and dialogue to go forward between Beijing and Taipei, that if any changes are to occur with respect to the current the circumstances in the strait, it should be through negotiation. We oppose unilateral efforts on either side to try to alter the current set of circumstances.
And our position with respect to the Taiwan Relations Act, the piece of legislation that governs our policy in the United States, is that we are obligated under that act to provide Taiwan with the capacity to defend herself, should that be necessary. And we do that through the process of selling them military equipment from time to time.
But overall, we do, in fact, support the principle of one China, as I say, as informed by the three communiques and the Taiwan Relations Act. (Applause.)
Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am a second-year graduate student from the school of journalism. Today, it is a great honor for me to witness this great occasion. My question is, it is said that you are the most powerful Vice President in U.S. history. Can you tell us how you play a role in the Bush administration? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Well, that''s not a question I had anticipated. The role of the Vice President has evolved over the years. When our Constitution was written in Philadelphia at our Constitutional Convention, they created the position of Vice President. But when they got to the end of the convention, they decided that they hadn''t given him anything to do. He had no work. So they made him the President of the Senate, that is the presiding officer over our upper house of our Congress and gave him the ability to cast tie-breaking votes. When the Senate is deadlocked 50-50, then I get to cast the tie-breaking vote.
For the first 150 years of our history, the Vice President had virtually no role in the executive branch with the President. He was simply there to take over if something happened to the President, but he didn''t have any day-to-day responsibilities. That changed during the Eisenhower administration over 50 years ago, when for the first time, the Vice President was given an office in the executive branch. And since then the responsibilities have gradually increased.
The amount of influence you have, or authority, if you want to put it in those terms, is based strictly upon your relationship with the President. When President Bush asked me to become his Vice President, he indicated that it was because he wanted me to be part of his team to help govern, that because of my background, having been a chief of staff for President Ford, a Secretary of Defense for former President Bush, a member of Congress, that he felt I brought certain experiences that would be useful to him in carrying out his responsibilities as President. And we''ve had a very close working relationship ever since.
But as I say, any influence I have strictly comes in terms of my ability to offer advice. I''m not in charge of any department or agency. And I also work closely with members of Congress because I still do preside over the Senate and spend a lot of time on Capitol Hill, as well, working to get congressional approval of our legislative programs. So it''s circumstance.
I''ve seen other arrangements where the relationship between the President and the Vice President wasn''t close, and the Vice President basically had little to do except ceremonial functions and frequently attend funerals. (Laughter.) So I''ve been fortunate.
Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am a student from the school of journalism, and it''s my honor to be here to raise questions of you. And my question is about the Iraq issue. As you know, we want to see the peaceful life that the Iraqi people live and live by themselves. But you can see these days many conflicts happens every day and everywhere in Iraq. The casualties of both citizens and soldiers are increasing. My question is, what do you think the role of the United Nations should take during this period? And we know that on June the 30th, the American people will transfer the region to the Iraqi people. And what''s your opinion, do you think then the situation there will be out of control? Thank you.
THE VICE PRESIDENT: The situation with respect to the United Nations in Iraq has been at present that Mr. Brahimi, who is the representative of the Secretary General, has been there now for a couple of weeks working actively with our officials, as well as Iraqis, to develop the concept of an interim government that will take over on June 30th, and then be responsible for governing the country until elections can be held early next year. Their responsibility would last six or seven months. But as I say, Mr. Brahimi, of the United Nations, has been a major participant in developing that plan.
We''re eager to have the United Nations involved. I would expect going forward, as a constitution is written and elections are held in Iraq, that the United Nations would play a significant role in terms of providing technical advice and support for those endeavors. The U.N., of course, originally went into Iraq and had a significant presence there until the attack on its headquarters. And then they pulled out primarily because they were concerned about the security threat to their personnel.
But the United States stands ready to work closely with the United Nations going forward. As I said, we''ve been pleased with Mr. Brahimi''s role, and we''re eager to support active U.N. participation in the process of standing up a government of Iraq that''s democratic, but broadly representative of its people, and not a threat to its neighbors.
Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am from the school of management. Thank you for the speech. My question is related to business and trade. As we all know, the rapid growth of Sino-U.S. trade benefits both America and China. However, since last year, we have witnessed more and more trade frictions between our two countries. Our government hopes to solve the problem through dialogue and negotiations. So my question is, in your opinion, what is the prospect of trade relations between our two countries? And do you think that the U.S. presidential campaign will further aggravate the dispute with China? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: There are a number of points of friction, as you say, between our two countries on trading questions. I don''t find that surprising given how extensive the relationship has become. China has now become our third largest trading partner in the world. The amount of commerce back and forth between our two nations is by our estimate $180 billion a year. We buy a vast quantity of good manufactured here in China, shipped to the United States. We sell you goods and products and agricultural products, as well. Right now, the balance is very much in your favor -- that is you sell more to us than you buy from us. We think that will change over time as your market opens up more and more as you implement the agreements under the WTO. We think that''s appropriate.
The areas where we have work to do fall in the area, for example, of intellectual property rights. And some of the other areas where there are standards that have been applied by your government that we believe unfairly penalize or discriminate against U.S. products. These are normal kinds of issues to have between trading nations.
We have a plan next week I believe -- there will be a delegation from your government traveling to Washington for something called the JCCT. It''s a joint commission to address issues of trade. And that''s the way for us to deal with those issues. But I don''t find it surprising that there''s friction. I think that''s simply a reflection of the fact that the economic relationship has become so close, and there''s such a high volume of trade back and forth on both sides.
Let me also -- on the question the young lady asked earlier about Taiwan, it occurs to me that I didn''t completely answer the question. There''s one item she mentioned that I need to be clear on. And she asked me specifically about the question of Taiwan independence. And the position of the United States has been and continues to be that we do not support Taiwan independence. That''s -- I''ll restate again our posture is that we -- (applause) -- we support the one China based on the three communiques, and the Taiwan Relations Act, and we''re opposed to unilateral efforts on either side of the strait to change that relationship.
Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I''m from journalism department. It''s my great honor to raise a question here. We know that the presidential campaign this year is a competition between two Yale graduates. In your opinion, what''s the key factor to win the election? And there are more and more Americans living and working in China. So what will you do to win their support? Thank you.
THE VICE PRESIDENT: The reason I pause is because I attended Yale, as well, as the President, and Senator Kerry. But I did not graduate. (Laughter.) And I thought you were going to ask me about that.
We''re eager to work with American citizens overseas. There are -- both, here in Asia, and as well, in Europe -- organizations. In my party, I''m a Republican, we have an organization called Republicans Abroad. And that''s where American citizens who get to vote in the United States by absentee ballot have clubs and organizations and host speakers, sometimes raise money to support the candidates of their choice. So we welcome the participation of American voters, wherever they may live, in the election.
And you may remember in the last election, a very, very close election that was decided by just 537 votes in Florida, probably the closest presidential election in our history. That probably turned, as much as anything, on absentee ballots, on votes cast by citizens of Florida who were abroad at the time either serving in the military, or in some other capacity. And if they had not voted, the outcome of the election might have been very different. So those votes of Americans living overseas are very important. (Applause.)
Q: Your honor, Vice President, thank you for your speech. I am a graduate student majoring in international relations. My question is simple -- my classmates and I are concerned about the Korean nuclear issue. My question is very simple: Do you think the problem could be solved peacefully? And what role do you think the United States should play to push the six-party talks forward? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: We believe the North Korean development and efforts to acquire nuclear capability is one of the most serious problems in the region today. It was a subject that I discussed with President Hu Jintao, and Chairman Jiang Zemin, Premier Wen, and Vice President Zeng in Beijing. Our concern is that North Korea has in the past entered into agreements to give up its aspirations to acquire nuclear weapons in 1994 and then subsequently violated that agreement. We know they violated that agreement because we now know that they developed a secret program to build nuclear weapons using highly enriched uranium.
And one of the things we''ve learned in recent months -- you may recall that after we began our operations in Iraq, that Colonel Ghadafi, in Libya, decided to give up his effort to develop nuclear weapons, and all of that material, all the designs, all the equipment and so forth, uranium that he had acquired for that purpose has now been turned over to the United States.
Mr. Ghadafi and the Libyans acquired their technical expertise, weapons design and so forth from Mr. A.K. Khan, Pakistan. And we now know that Mr. Khan also provided similar capabilities to the North Koreans. So we''re confident that the North Koreans do, in fact, have a program to enrich uranium to produce nuclear weapons.
We think the way to resolve this matter, to achieve the objective that China believes in, and we believe in, which is to have a nuclear-free Korean peninsula is for North Korea to agree to the complete, verifiable and irreversible dismantlement of their nuclear weapons capabilities. To date, they have not yet agreed to do that. We are trying through the six-way talks with the active leadership and participation of China, in hosting those talks and participating in those talks -- together with the United States, South Korea, Japan and Russia -- to persuade the North Koreans that this is the proper course of action, that if they want to have normal relations with the rest of us -- and given the sad state their economy, they obviously need outside support. In order simply for that regime to survive, they most understand that no one in the region wants them to develop those weapons.
We''ll continue to work closely with China and the other members of the group and do our level best to achieve this objective by diplomatic means, and through negotiations. But it is important that we make progress in this area. Time is not necessarily on our side. We worry that given what they''ve done in the past, and given what we estimate to be their current capability, that North Korea could well, for example, provide this kind of technology to someone else, or possibly to, say, a terrorist organization. We know that there are terrorist organizations out there like al Qaeda that have sought to acquire these kinds of weapons in the past. And we need to stop that proliferation so that it doesn''t happen, so that our nations are not threatened by those developments.
Finally, of course, as I mentioned in my speech, there are nations in the region that have the technical capacity to produce nuclear weapons who have not done so. But if North Korea becomes a nuclear power, and has ballistic missiles, which it does, and has the ability to threaten other nations in the region with nuclear weapons, then those nations may conclude that their only option is to develop their own capability. And then we''d have a nuclear arms unleashed in Asia, and that''s not in anybody''s interest. So we hope we can be successful through diplomacy at achieving our objective. But it is vitally important that we achieve this objective. (Applause.)
Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I''m majoring in political science. It''s my great honor to meet you here. My question is, I have learned that the Blue Ridge of the U.S.''s Seventh Fleet visited Shanghai last month. As a former secretary of the defense department of the United States, what do you think of the communications between the Chinese and the U.S. militaries? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: I think it''s important to have exchanges back and forth between our militaries. I think we can learn from one another. I think those kinds of communications are very positive in terms of building the relationship, also in terms of enhancing understanding and reducing the possibility of miscalculation in the future. So I wholeheartedly support those kinds of exchanges. I think they''re a very positive contribution to the relationship between the U.S. and China.
MODERATOR: Mr. Vice President, this will be our last question.
Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am a junior student from the school of international relations and public affairs. I learned from the website of the White House that you have two daughters and three granddaughters. Do you often get together with them? Would you suggest them learning Chinese? (Laughter.) We Chinese students are eager to communicate with the youngsters in the U.S. So do you have any suggestions for the young generation in our two countries? And in addition, in the next year, we will have the 100th anniversary celebration of Fudan University. So do you have anything special to say to us here? Thank you. (Applause.)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: My wife is over here looking to see what I''m going to say. (Laughter.) Well, I do have two daughters and three granddaughters. And we''re about to have a fourth grandchild come June, and we''re told it''s going to be a boy. (Applause.) As a matter of fact, this will be the first time in about 60 years there''s been a boy born in our family. (Laughter.) So he''s going to have a difficult time, I''m sure, growing up, surrounded by all those women.
But I think it''s very, very important that we do everything we can to encourage exchanges and Americans living and working in China, and Chinese living and working in America. Our Ambassador, Sandy Randt, who is with me today studied Chinese as a young man, lived in Hong Kong for many years, of course, is serving now as Ambassador to China. I''ve got people working for me on my staff who spent years in China, growing up here, or have studied here, as well. Those kinds of exchanges are very important. There are a great many Chinese students in U.S. universities. And that can only benefit both countries long-term. I think it''s something to be encouraged every chance we get, and I certainly would want to do everything I could.
With respect to the hundredth anniversary of Fudan, University, that''s a very significant development -- 2005. It''s obviously become a very important university. I know from looking at the history of it a bit, I remember when President Reagan came 20 years ago to speak. And given your location in Shanghai, and it''s, I think, one of the finest universities in this part of the world. You''re able to attract an outstanding student body. Obviously, nothing but outstanding students here today, and we want to wish you the very best and congratulate you on achieving that milestone of a hundred years, and wish you great success for the next hundred years, as well, too. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
切尼副总统：
韩市长，非常感谢您。谢谢您做介绍时的友好言辞。今天我们很高兴来到这里。我夫人与我为有这次机会再次来到中国访问感到荣幸，感谢贵国对我们的欢迎，特别感谢复旦大学的热情接待。我们为此感到不胜荣幸，谢谢你们。我们此行带来了布什总统和美国人民的良好祝愿。
我知道在座的许多人很快就要从这所优秀的大学毕业。我听说贵校有极为严格的标准，得到复旦大学的学位代表着多年的刻苦攻读。我祝贺在座各位学业有成。我赞赏诸位老师承上启下，发扬复旦长达九十九年的优良传统。
无庸讳言，仅与你们上一代人相比，在诸位事业生涯起步之时，贵国的情况已发生翻天覆地的变化。我在1975年第一次访问中国，当时我陪同福特总统和基辛格国务卿前往北京，距尼克松总统对贵国具有历史意义的访问仅短短三年的时光。当时毛泽东仍然在位，文化大革命的余波尚未平息。虽然人们对改革抱有一些希望，但这些希望大都隐藏在人们心中。
对中国人民而言，那是艰苦岁月的尾声。当年美国和中国着手恢复外交关系，原因之一是我们都认为苏联对我们构成了共同的挑战，不过，美国领导人还注意到其他一些情况。他们知道，那个时代的中国表面上一成不变，但在伟大人民的心底蕴藏着丰富的多样性和取之不竭的能量。几十年来，随着这片土地获得更多的自由和机会，你们已经开始向全世界展示贵国的创造力和创业精神。
诸位在这里学业有成，诸位对未来充满憧憬，在座的每一位都是这种潜力的见证。几乎在整整二十年前，里根总统曾到贵校发表演讲，道出了经济和政治自由的真谛，他说，自由的根基在于坚持男女老幼都具有尊严的信念。他还说，自由的制度反映了尊重每一个人特有的聪明才智，尊重每一个人拥有自主自决、自由自在生活的特定权利。
与尼克松总统访华甚至里根总统访华的时期相比，如今大量中国公民获得了更多的自由，正在开拓自己的生活道路。他们可以选择职业，购置产业和外出旅行。全中国各地有许许多多与诸位一样的年轻人，他们依靠自己的能力，殷切希望他们自己和自己的家人生活蒸蒸日上，期盼国家繁荣昌盛。
在始于25年前的改革道路上，中国人民取得了长足的进展。25年来，中国经济持续快速增长，提高了许多公民的生活水平，使中国跻身于世界最大经济体的行列。贵国减少了贫困，近年来始终保持高经济增长率。这种种巨大的经济成就表明，政府允许私营企业和个人享有更多的决策权能带来什么样的变化。归根结底，这是对中国公民的一曲颂歌。正是由于中国公民的聪明才智和日复一日的辛勤劳动，中国现代化经济才能如此生机勃勃。
中国经济取得的成就也是更大程度融入世界经济的结果。过去20年来，贵国已经成为各类制造业产品的出口大国，从重型机械、电脑到玩具应有尽有。中国产品进入外国市场，因此获得巨大的利益。中国的发展还因外来投资大量涌入──仅去年一年，外来投资已超过五百亿美元──及吸收外国技术和获得持续增长所需的源源不绝的能源和原材料供应获得动力。
如今，中国在世界贸易总量中的份额超过5%，约达8500亿美元。中国与美国的双向贸易仅在过去12年中就增长了七倍。
经济继续取得进展需要得到良好的管理。贵国新一代领导人知道，经济快速增长可导致国内面临各种社会和经济问题。中国在经济实力不断增长的同时，也承担了新的责任以保持全球经济平衡。我与贵国领导人已经谈到，在这个相互依存的世界上，各国都有责任降低进口壁垒，保护知识产权，并让市场决定汇率，保持汇率的灵活性。在这些关键问题上，我们正共同努力。
中国取得的成就已成为在更大范围内取得进展的组成部份。在进入二十世纪之时，亚洲许多伟大的国家或者处于列强的殖民统治之下，或者仍实行王朝制度，或者因国内冲突而四分五裂。整个二十世纪，主张暴力和仇恨的思潮在亚洲和欧洲泛滥，造成了极大的伤害和痛苦。如今，亚洲人民正谱写截然不同的新篇章，在这个地区，一个个伟大的国家，一批批独立自主的人民跨入二十一世纪，国家日益繁荣昌盛，个人的自由程度也越来越高。从北京到东京，从汉城到新加坡，亚洲发生了翻天覆地的变化，往日造成冲突的种种宿怨被消除，成千上万人的生活得到改善。
半个世纪以来，亚洲已经脱胎换骨，从一个饱受战争创伤的贫困地区发展成为全世界规模最大、增长最快的创造财富和开发知识的中心。在整个亚洲地区，经济的更大繁荣使一个又一个国家国力日盛。但并非仅有经济繁荣，亚洲各地的日益繁荣和政治自由的不断扩大齐头并进。人们如果能自由地掌握自己的命运，充份享受自己劳动的果实，就能辛勤劳动，为社会的福址作出更大的贡献。人们一旦体验到经济自由的好处，就会向往更大的自由以表达自己的观点和选择自己的领导人。
自由是一个不可分割的整体。如果人们在投资和掌握物质财富方面能够实现自主，他们终有一天会提出，为什么自己不能决定自己的言论和信仰。当人们的话题触及社会弊病的时候，导致科学发现的洞察力并不会忽然消失。在社会实现繁荣以后，人们也会逐渐明白，衣着、汽车和手机并不能丰富人的灵魂，经济增长固然能使人们过上舒适和有尊严的生活，但物质享受本身无法满足人类心灵最深切的渴望。只有在充份实现宗教自由、言论自由、集会自由和信仰自由之后，这个目标才能达到。这个观念也是过去五十年亚洲留下的遗产之一。
自由是普天下每一个人的希望，并非专属于某一个国家、某一种文化或某一个地区。已经取得成功的社会和明智的领导人认识到应该提倡自由，绝不应该畏惧自由。
美利坚合众国欢迎贵国取得的长足进步，也欢迎亚洲各地经济和政治自由的不断扩大。作为一个太平洋地区国家，我们和贵国一样受益于跨太平洋贸易，受益于这个地区的蓬勃发展。由于在这个地区的永久存在，美国同中国一样，将稳定及亚洲人民之间的和平关系作为至关重要的国家利益。
但我们现在知道，随着新出现的严重威胁不断集结，所有文明国家寻求的和平与稳定都受到了威胁。在全球各国，恐怖网络阴谋袭击文明的人民，他们的毁灭图谋愈加肆无忌惮。在这个技术突飞猛进的时代，我们面临着致命武器可能落入恐怖分子之手的危险。而恐怖主义和武器扩散等问题构成的最严重的威胁是他们可能同恶相济，恐怖分子可能在某一天持生化武器或核武器发起灾难性的突然袭击。
恐怖主义的蔓延滋长以及大规模毁灭性武器的扩散，是每个力求建立一个更加开放、稳定和繁荣之世界的国家所面临的直接挑战。为此，我们两国一直在密切合作以克服这双重威胁。自2001年9月11日我国遭受袭击以来，美国和中国携手合作，逮捕了恐怖分子，制止他们杀戮更多的无辜民众。最近，包括在中国在内的若干国家的公民在伊拉克被绑架的事件揭示了我们都面临的威胁。如今，我们正展开信息共享并共同努力加强联合国的反恐能力，共同落实保护船只和港口的集装箱安全倡议。不过，在我们不断深化合作的同时，务必将无辜者的权利铭记在心。绝不能以反恐战争为藉口来压制以正当方式表述异见和观点。
中国还承担起了协力制止大规模毁灭性武器扩散的责任。扩散的危险对于亚洲人民尤为严重。许多有能力发展最致命的武器的国家，都自我克制没有开发这类武器。然而，如果有关政府感到扩散在这个地区没有受到遏制，他们就可能被迫选择截然不同的道路。这只会加剧这个地区的危险，增加这些危险武器终有一天被动用的可能性。
武器扩散的危险并没有始终得到应有的重视。可以用来发展先进武器及其运载系统的技术曾一度在没有顾及远期后果的情况下被输出。因此，看到中国宣布有关限制这些技术转让的新措施，美国感到非常高兴。现在的关键问题是严格执行这些限制措施。
令布什总统和美国人民倍受鼓舞的是，中国政府决定在国际社会努力说服北韩以彻底的、可核查的、不可逆转的方式撤除其核项目的过程中发挥主导作用。我们必须确保这项工作进行到底。鉴于平壤政权历来不负责任且欺骗成性，解除北韩的一切核能力对于东北亚以及整个世界的和平与稳定极为关键。
遏制危险武器的扩散是新世纪迫在眉睫的要务之一。我们别无选择，只能全力以赴地采取行动，打击那些妄图谋取这类武器以威胁无辜人民的无赖国家和恐怖分子。我们正在这条道路上前进，并将在长远的未来继续前进。
迎头抗击并最终击溃恐怖主义威胁将是一场长期艰苦的斗争。正因为如此，我国通过与其他国家磋商，致力于推行布什总统提出的在大中东地区实现自由的前瞻战略。中东地区的一些国家曾拥有巨大的财富，或拥有能创造巨大财富的资源。但只靠国家财富是不够的。为了全面彻底地战胜恐怖主义的邪恶，我们必须给这个地区的人民指明出路，摒弃使他们长期落后的暴政和腐败政府。这条出路就是经济自由、法律面前人人平等、个人自由以及选择和更换政府的权利。
大中东地区方案支持整个地区为自由而奋斗的人们。我们已经开始看到取得重大进展的迹象。约旦举行了选举，约旦政府正采取措施减少国家对媒体的控制。巴林去年举行了选举。埃及执政的国家民主党号召加大经济改革的力度，扩大政治参与的程度。沙特阿拉伯王储颁布了改革宪章并要求举行市政选举。今天，在国际社会的帮助下，遭受了几十年压迫的阿富汗人民和伊拉克人民正准备在全国范围内通过自由的差额选举推选自己国家的领导人。
我们欢迎中国在这些国家为重建工作贡献力量，以使那里的人民生活在安全和自由之中，永不再成为滋生或支持恐怖的专政政权的牺牲品。
虽然民主进程有时无规律可循且难以预测──正如密切关注美国政治的人都可以证实的──但民主进程允许人们以和平方式表达各种不同观点、保护个人权利、限制国家滥用职权并鼓励能促成长治久安的辩论和妥协。有一点是可以肯定的，自由社会不会滋生可能拖垮整个国家的仇恨和极端主义。
哪里的年青人有机会选择自己的领导人，有机会为他们自己和子孙后代建设更好的生活，有权力左右自己的命运，哪里就会有安定、正义和繁荣。自由具有内在的力量，不需要通过宣传招兵买马，也不需要以灌输方式防止追随者出轨。
我们听到持怀疑态度的人宣称，大中东地区无望实现民主价值观，那里的人民由于某种原因不适合自治，注定只能生活在困苦和压迫之中。在座研究过历史的人一定会发现这种否定论调似乎曾有所闻。在并不远久的过去曾经有人对亚洲人民也下过同样的结论。但如今世人都将亚洲视为人类创业和创造精神的典范。在亚洲各地，我们看到整个国家经过一代人的时间就脱贫崛起，建设起强大的现代化经济，并成为由自由人民组成的稳定、和平及开放的社会，受到经自由选举产生的代表所制定的法律的制约。
今天，中国也已经开始了一个伟大的征程。随着贵国对地区和全球的影响及责任的不断增加，贵国的力量和潜能蕴藏在贵国人民身上。
我祝愿在座各位生活在一个越来越成功、伟大、自由的国家中。谢谢诸位今天上午来到这里，现在我愿意回答各位的问题。(掌声)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
主持人：谢谢您，副总统先生。副总统先生，第一个问题将由坐在左面的同学提出，然后从右到左轮流提问。
问：上午好，副总统先生。
副总统：上午好。
问：我是学国际关系的博士生。我和我的朋友都认为中国的和平崛起有利于世界的和平与繁荣。但有些美国人士却将中国视为一种威胁。请问您是否可以谈谈对这些观点的看法？您这次中国之行印象最深的是什么？谢谢。(掌声)
副总统：美国人民非常敬佩中国近几十年来所取得的种种成就。当然，50年前，我们两国曾经是敌人，我们在朝鲜战争中曾经交战，彼此都视对方为重大威胁，我认为这种情况已经发生变化。
现在，鉴于我们力争在世界这一地区推动和平与繁荣的共同利益，我们在有益于两国人民的众多问题上共同努力。毫无疑问，我们还有分歧，在各种问题上都存在分歧。但是我昨天与贵国领导人在北京举行了会谈，可以说，我们都认为达成共识的领域远远多于存在分歧的领域，只要我们付出充份的努力，有足够的诚意和充足的时间，就没有不能解决的问题。我们进行合作，特别是在经济领域的合作，给我们两国人民都带来了好处。只要有正确的领导，我们就没有任何理由今后将彼此视为威胁。(掌声)
问：早上好，副总统先生。我是国际政治专业的学生，很荣幸有机会向您提出问题。我们中国人都关心我们国家的统一，但看到美国这些年的表现令人遗憾，比如，向台湾出售武器。我想问一下，美国会采取什么样的行动恪守一个中国的政策，并且不支持台独？谢谢。(掌声)
副总统：美国在台湾问题上保持一贯的政策已经有相当长时间，布什总统也作了陈述。我们支持基于三个联合公报的一个中国的原则以及《台湾关系法》。我们认为，北京和台北之间的讨论和对话发展是重要的，如果目前的台海局势发生任何变化，都应通过谈判实现，我们反对任何一方采取单方面行动改变现状。
我们对《台湾关系法》──也就是制约美国政府政策的立法──的立场是，我们有义务根据这一立法为台湾提供在必要情况下进行自卫的能力。我们通过不时地向他们出售军事装备来做到这点。
但是，从总体来讲，我们支持一个中国的原则，就像我所说的，基于三个公报和《台湾关系法》。(掌声)
问：早上好，副总统先生。我是新闻学院二年级研究生。今天我非常荣幸地目睹这一场面。据说您是美国历史上权力最大的副总统，您能不能告诉我们您如何在布什政府中发挥作用？谢谢。(掌声)
副总统：这是我没有料到的问题。副总统的角色多年来不断演变。在费城的制宪会议上起草我们国家的《宪法》时，人们决定设置一个副总统的职位。但是到会议结束时，他们发现没有给副总统确定任何职责。他没有事做。于是，他们让他担任参议院的主席，也就是主持我们国会的上院，使他在参议院出现势均力敌的投票僵局时，有打破平局的关键一票。
在我们历史上的最初150年里，副总统在总统的行政部门中实际上没有任何作用。他的作用就是为了在总统万一出现不测时接班，因此没有任何日常职责。这种情况在50年前艾森豪威尔政府时期出现改变，副总统在行政部门中有了办公室。从此，副总统的责任日益增加。
副总统的权限和影响完全基于总统和副总统之间的关系。当布什总统让我出任副总统的时候，他向我表明，他希望我能够成为他班子里的一员，协助治理国家，并鉴于我的背景──我曾经是福特总统的办公厅主任，又是上一位布什总统的国防部长，还在国会任过职──他认为我的经历会有助于他履行总统的职责。从那时以来，我跟布什总统一直有着很好的工作关系。
但是，诚如我所说的，我的任何影响力都只限于提供咨询建议。我不负责任何部门或机构。我还与国会议员密切合作，因为我仍然主持参议院，也在国会花费很多时间，促使我们的立法项目获得通过。总之，一切都是根据具体情况而定的。
我也看到过其他情形，如果总统和副总统的关系不密切的话，那么副总统除了一些礼节性场合和经常出席葬礼以外(笑声)，基本无事可做。所以我是幸运的。
问：副总统先生，早上好。我是新闻学院的学生，非常荣幸可以向您提一个问题。我的问题是关于伊拉克的。您知道，我们希望看到伊拉克人民和平自主地生活。可是这些日子我们看到，伊拉克每天到处都有很多冲突，而且平民和军人的伤亡都在增加。我的问题是，您认为联合国应该在这个阶段发挥什么样的作用？我们知道，在6月30日，美国就会将这个地方交给伊拉克人民，您认为到那时候局势会不会失去控制？
副总统：联合国在伊拉克的情况是，联合国秘书长的代表卜拉希米(Brahimi)先生，已经在几个星期前到达那里，一直在和我们的官员和伊拉克方面共同积极工作，目的是建立一个在6月30日接管政权的过渡政府，在明年年初举行全国选举前负责治理国家。他们要负责六到七个月。就像我说过的，卜拉希米先生作为联合国的代表，在积极参与制定这个规划。
我们迫切期待联合国的参与，我认为，随着伊拉克制订宪法，举行选举，联合国能够在提供技术咨询和指导方面发挥重要作用。当然，一开始，联合国曾经向伊拉克派驻了大批人员，后来发生了对联合国在当地总部的袭击，联合国主要出于对人员安全的担心而撤离。
但是美国随时准备和联合国密切合作。就像我说过的，我们对卜拉希米先生的作用非常满意，我们非常希望为联合国积极参与建立民主的、广泛代表人民的、不威胁邻国的伊拉克政府提供支持。
问：副总统先生，早上好，我是管理学院的学生，感谢您的演讲。我的问题是关于商业和贸易。我们都知道，中美贸易发展得很快，这让两国都受益。然而去年以来，我们目睹两国的经贸摩擦越来越多，我国政府希望通过对话和协商解决问题。我的问题是，您如何看待两国经贸关系的前景？您认为今年的美国大选是不是会进一步加剧中美之间的贸易争端？
副总统：正如你所说，我们两国在贸易方面有若干项摩擦，鉴于我们两国的关系如此广泛，我对此并不感到惊奇。中国现在是美国在世界上的第三大贸易夥伴，两国之间的贸易，据我们估计，每年达到1800亿美元。我们从中国购买大量的这里制造的产品，把它们运往美国，同时我们也向中国出售很多产品和服务，包括农业产品。目前你们有很大顺差，也就是说，你们向我们出售的东西比从我们购买的东西要多。我们相信，随着中国市场的不断开放和落实入世的有关协议，这种情况会转变。我们认为这是恰当的。
我们需要共同努力的领域包括知识产权保护，以及其他的领域。在这些领域，我们认为中国政府所使用的一些标准实际上不公正地惩罚或歧视了我们的一些公司。这些问题是贸易国之间经常出现的正常问题。
我们计划在下星期接待贵国政府派往华盛顿出席联合商贸委员会(JCCT) 会议的代表团。该委员会的工作是探讨贸易问题，这是我们解决上述问题的一个机制。但我对两国的贸易摩擦不感到吃惊，我认为它是两国经济关系变得如此密切、双方有如此大量的贸易往来的反映。
我还想再谈谈刚才那位年轻女士提到的有关台湾问题。我觉得我当时没有完整地回答您的提问。我需要对她提出的一个问题做出明确表示。她具体问到了台湾独立的问题。美国在这个问题上的立场一直是并且继续是，我们不支持台湾独立。也就是说──我将再次重申我们的立场(掌声)──我们支持以三个联合公报和《台湾关系法》为基础的一个中国的政策，我们反对台湾海峡两方中的任何一方单独采取行动改变这种关系。
问：早上好，副总统先生。我来自新闻学院，非常荣幸在这里提一个问题。我们知道，今年的总统大选是两位耶鲁毕业生之间的竞争，您认为决定胜负的关键因素是什么？现在有越来越多的美国人生活在中国，你们准备怎么样来赢得他们的选票？
副总统：我之所以迟疑了一下，是因为我也读过耶鲁大学，就像布什总统和克里参议员一样。但是我没有毕业。(笑声)我以为你是问我这个问题。
我们迫切希望和海外的美国公民合作。在亚洲这里以及在欧洲都有一些组织。我是共和党人，在我们党里有一个叫做海外共和党人(Republican Abroad)的组织，人们可以通过邮寄选票参加投票，他们有自己的俱乐部、团体和演讲人，有时候举行募捐，支持他们属意的候选人。所以，我们欢迎在海外的美国选民参加选举，无论他们居住在哪里。
大家也许记得，上次选举是一次票数非常、非常接近的选举，最后是以佛罗里达州的537票定出胜负，这大概是我们历史上票数最接近的一次总统选举。缺席选票，也就是因服兵役等原因而在海外的佛罗里达州选民所投的票，大概与其他因素一样，对那次选举结果起了决定性的作用。如果他们没有投票，选举结果可能会不同。因此，身在海外的美国人的选票是非常重要的。
问：尊敬的副总统先生，谢谢您的演讲。我是国际关系专业的研究生。我的问题很简单──我的同学们和我本人对北韩核问题都感到关切。您觉得这个问题能够和平解决吗？您认为美国在推动六方会谈方面应当起到何种作用？谢谢。(掌声)
副总统：我们认为北韩的事态发展及其获取核能力的努力是这个地区当今最严重的问题。我在北京和胡锦涛主席、***主席、温家宝总理、曾庆红副主席都谈到了这个问题。我们感到关切的是，北韩以前曾经签署协议，同意放弃获取核武器的意图，这是在1994年，但他们后来违反了这个协议。我们之所以知道他们违反了这个协议是因为现在我们了解到他们暗中从事一个项目，用高浓缩铀来制造核武器。
我们近几个月来了解到一个情况──你们可能记得我们在伊拉克始采取行动以后，利比亚的卡扎菲上校决定放弃发展核武器的努力。而所有有关材料、设计和设备等等──包括他购买的铀──都已经交给了美国。
卡扎菲上校和利比亚获取的技术专长、武器设计等等都来自巴基斯坦的一位汗先生。据我们了解，这位汗先生也向北韩提供了类似的能力。因此，我们确知北韩有制造核武器的浓缩铀项目。
我们觉得解决这个问题的方法是建立一个无核的朝鲜半岛，这是中国的目标，也是美国的目标。它要求北韩以彻底的、可核查的、不可逆转的方式拆除其所有核能力。到目前为止，他们还没有同意这么做。我们正努力通过六方会谈规劝北韩，使他们认识到这是正确的道路，只有这样做才能和其他参加谈判的国家建立正常关系。作为东道主，中国积极参加了六方会谈并发挥了领导作用，美国、韩国、日本、俄国也参加了会谈。北韩的经济非常糟糕，他们显然需要外界支援。他们必须理解，该地区没有人希望他们发展那些武器，这种理解也是他们维持现政权的必要条件。
我们将继续和中国以及我们这个群体中的其他成员密切合作，尽我们的一切努力，通过外交手段和谈判来达到这一目标。但重要的是，我们必须在该领域取得进展。时间紧迫。我们担心的是，鉴于北韩以前的所作所为以及我们对他们目前能力的估计，北韩有可能把这种技术转让给其他国家和个人，或者提供给恐怖组织。我们知道有些恐怖组织──像"基地"组织──曾经试图得到这类武器。我们必须制止这种扩散，防患于未然，使得我们各国不受到这些事态发展的威胁。
最后，正如我刚才所谈到的，这个地区有些国家拥有制造核武器的技术能力，但是他们并没有这么做。如果北韩变成一个核国家，并且拥有弹道导弹──他们已经有──并能够以此威胁该地区其他国家，那么这些国家可能会认为别无选择，只能发展自己的核能力，从而导致一场核竞赛。这不符合任何国家的利益。因此，我们希望通过外交手段取得成功，达到我们的目标。但重要的是，我们一定要达到这个目标。(掌声)
问：副总统先生，早上好。我是政治学专业的学生，很荣幸能够在这里和您见面。我的问题是，我听说美国第七舰队的"蓝岭号"上个月访问了上海，您曾经担任美国国防部长，您如何看待中美两军的交往？谢谢。(掌声)
副总统：我觉得重要的是我们两军之间要有交流。我认为我们可以互相学习。这种交流对建立两军关系有非常积极的意义，同时也可以加强彼此之间的理解，降低今后发生判断错误的可能性。因此我完全支持这种交流。我认为这对中美两国的关系有非常积极的作用。
主持人：副总统先生，还有最后一个问题。
问：早上好，副总统先生。我是国际关系和公共事务学院三年级学生，我从白宫网站上了解到您有两个女儿和三个外孙女。您经常和她们在一起吗？您会建议他们学中文吗？(笑声) 我们中国学生迫切地想和美国青少年交流，您有什么建议给我们两国的年轻人？此外，明年我们复旦会迎来一百周年校庆，您有什么特别的话要对我们说吗？谢谢。(掌声)
副总统：我太太正盯着我呢，她看我要说什么。(笑声) 我确实有两个女儿和三个外孙女，六月我们会有第四个外孙或外孙女，但我们被告知是个男孩。(掌声) 这是我们切尼家族约六十年来第一次有男孩子出生。(笑声) 这个孩子将在女性的包围之中长大，我敢说他的日子不好过。
我觉得非常重要的一点是，我们要尽量鼓励两国人民之间的交流，鼓励美国人到中国生活和工作，也鼓励中国人到美国生活和工作。我们的大使兰德先生今天也在座，他年轻时学过中文，在香港居住过多年，现在是我们驻中国的大使。我的下属中也有一些人在中国度过多年时光，或者在这里长大，或者曾在这里学习等等。这些交流是非常重要的。美国大学中有很多中国留学生。这种交流只会使我们两国长期受益，这是我们应当鼓励的事情。我们每当有机会，都应当进行这种交流。我将尽我所能鼓励这种交流。
2005年是复旦百年校庆，这是一件大事。复旦大学显然已经变得非常重要，看一下它的历史就知道。我还记得里根总统二十年前到复旦大学演讲的情景。你们地处上海，是世界上这个地区最好的大学之一。这里的学生非常出色，显然今天在座的各位都很出色。我们祝贺你们所取得的成就，祝贺你们到达百年里程碑，希望你们在今后一百年继续取得巨大成功。非常感谢。(掌声)
